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Lynn D. Wardle, J.D, Professor of Law, J.
Reuben Clark Law School, Brigham Young University. The Journal of Legal Medicine,
14:177-230, 1993.
Reviewed by Sean Murphy,
Administrator,
Protection of Conscience ProjectIn 1993 Professor Lynn Wardle published a detailed survey of what he called the
"patchwork" of American protection of conscience laws (Wardle 226). The
article not only addressed numerous relevant issues, but included extensive citations of
American case law and statutes. While it is a particularly valuable resource for
U.S. researchers, a number of his observations and arguments have more general
application.
Inadequacy of U.S. Laws
Professor Wardle described existing U.S. legislation as "obviously and profoundly
inadequate" (Wardle 210). Having been drafted primarily to deal with the
aftermath of Roe vs Wade (180), the statutes addressed only a few procedures
(chiefly abortion), often provided protection to only some individuals or classes of
persons, and failed to include mechanisms for remedy or redress (178).
Moreover, he observed that "serious moral conflicts are sometimes brushed aside or
cavalierly disregarded" by hostile judges bent on "imposing their own moral
preferences" upon health care workers and institutions (221). Alternatively,
some judges ruled so as to completely subordinate the rights of health care providers to
"the wishes and convenience of their patients and their patients' families", a
precedent that would cause health care licenses to become "lttle more than badges of
moral slavery." (214)
Existing and Projected Abuses
Compounding the lack of legal protection afforded vulnerable religious minorities, Wardle
cited reported cases - "only the tip of the iceberg" (220) - as evidence that
"significant numbers of health care providers are subject to direct and indirect
coercion and mistreatment" (178). These experiences included "threats,
harassment, transfer, demotion and firing of nurses," civil liability imposed upon
conscientious objectors, and government orders to carry out directives to withdraw food
and fluids from dependent patients (219-220).
Wardle forecast even more serious and widespread violations of conscience as a result of
pressure at both ends of life's continuum. On the one hand, he noted attempts by
pro-abortionists to make participation in abortion mandatory for medical students
(221-222. See also Frank, Michael J., Safeguarding the Consciences of Hospitals
and Health Care Personnel: How the Graduate Medical Education Guidelines Demonstrate
a Continued Need for Protective Jurisprudence and Legislation. Saint Louis
University Law Journal, Vol. 41 No. 1, Winter, 1996). On the other, he worried that
the increased medical costs associated with an aging population would generate pressure on
health care workers to assist in euthanasia (222-223).
Further, he postulated that growing religious and cultural diversity in the U.S. would
increase the potential for a "conflict of moralities". He pointed out, for
example, that some religious minorities object to autopsies, organ transplants and blood
transfusions, and asserted that "no rational justification" existed for
excluding these and other widely accepted procedures from the ambit of conscience
legislation (181).
New Technologies and Policies
While he expressed concern that federal health care reforms might destroy what legal
protection existed at the the state level (223-226), Wardle was also cognizant of the
difficulties that might arise due to emerging reproductive and genetic technologies (181
n.16). Since that time the situation has become further complicated by the marketing
of new drugs and the lobby for physician assisted suicide. Significant ethical
problems have arisen in each area since the publication of Wardle's review, and it is
unlikely that the problems will diminish with the passage of time.
Institutional and Individual Protection
Professor Wardle criticized the policy of extending conscience protection to individuals
while denying it to health care institutions. The latter, he argued, exist to
actualize the "will and purposes" of the former (186). To protect the
individual but not the collective is, he asserted, like granting freedom of speech to
individuals, one-to-one, while denying freedom to forms of "collective speech"
like that of corporations, television or newspapers (187). He observed, with some
irony, that "[t]he greatest opposition to laws protecting the rights of conscience of
health care institutions has come from advocates of absolute reproductive choice."
(186)
State and Private Institutions
A further inconsistency he noted was the practice of denying legal protection of
conscience in state institutions while granting such protection in private ones
(188). Adopting the 'values language' characteristic of much modern ethical
discourse, the Professor explained this as the result of "a conflict of
values". The state, while 'valuing' provision of a controversial service, also
'valued' the rights of health care workers to refuse to provide the service. The
solution to this conflict, ceding the rights of private judgement within private spheres
and insisting that public policy prevail in the public domain, was criticized by Wardle as
"unprincipled from the perspective of both values; it achieves neither and offends
both." (189)
Instead, he maintained that a "values dilemma" is best resolved by assigning a
priority to one value over others. In this case, "protection for the rights of
conscientious refusal to participate in morally objectionable government-valued activities
has a stronger and longer claim to priority and preference than the efficient provision of
morally controversial medical services", and on this basis Wardle insisted that
rights of conscience should be respected in public and well as private institutions (189).
Unfortunately, this amounts to an assertion that a 'traditional value' must prevail simply
because it is 'traditional'. Professor Wardle attempted to buttress his position by
citing "overwhelming evidence" that protection of conscience is "a
significant contemporary American value" (189 n. 55). But this simply mirrors
the first argument; we must give priority to a 'traditional value' because it is
traditional, or to a 'significant value' because it is significant.
The case thus put fails to engage those who believe that the 'value' in question needs to
be changed, or that it should be superseded by other 'values' in this or that health care
institution, or state, or situation. And it fails to address the circumstances
prevailing outside the United States.
A further problem is presented by the admission that the state, no less than a citizen
collective, is "an entity created to express and enforce collective will"
(187). If the will of a private collective may be implemented in a private
institution, why should the will of a public collective - the state - not be effectuated
in public institutions? If a Muslim hospital may insist that none of its employees
may perform abortions, why may a state hospital not insist that all of its employees must
do so?
The Muslim would answer that his hospital's policy against abortion is moral, thus
binding, but the state's pro-abortion policy is immoral, and, therefore, not
binding. Wardle elsewhere noted the (unexamined) moral assumptions underlying
decisions to provide or not to provide abortions (186), but the standard 'values
resolution/clarification' approach used at this point in his article precludes a solution
predicated upon moral judgement. As a result, when he pointed out that both private
and public health care workers are likely to encounter moral conflicts, his moral
conclusion (that both are thus entitled to protection) was insufficiently grounded in his
premises (189).
Saving
A few of the statutes examined in the article contained 'saving' provisions. Such
provisions exempt from the prohibitions against discrimination those facilities (or parts
of facilities) that specialize in the procedures to which objection is taken (194).
Wardle was somewhat ambivalent about this, conceding that "it seems curious to deny
(legal facilities) the ability to refuse to hire people who find the work they do morally
objectionable." On the other hand, he suggested the need for reasonable
accommodation of employees whose beliefs change after they are hired(195). He wrote
that one of the advantages of conscience clauses is that they permit people to change
their moral convictions and protect those convictions, "whether consistent or
not"(206).
In practice, however, it is unlikely that a workable alternative to a blanket
exemption can be drafted, at least with respect to facilities that are mainly involved in
controversial procedures. It is enough to hope that the law can prevent injustice:
too much to expect that it can undo all of the consequences that flow from one's past
decisions.
Emergencies
An interesting observation was that most conscience legislation did not make exceptions
for medical emergencies. This Wardle plausibly explained as arising from "the
general belief that few persons will have moral or religious objections to providing such
services when they are truly therapeutic procedures (in real medical emergencies), rather
than elective procedures." (194)
Nonetheless, Professor Wardle proposed that carefully drafted exceptions should be made
"for life-threatening emergencies in which the controversial procedure provides the
best hope of saving a patient's life." (195) On this point he parts company
with those who insist that a good end, even the saving of a life, cannot justify an
immoral act.
Remedies
"Overall," the article states, "the existing conscience clauses manifest an
appalling absence of attention to effectuating the rights of conscience, and to
remedies." However, the Professor deemed criminal penalties unnecessary
if appropriate awards for minimum damages, multiple/punitive damages and attorney's
fees were made available (196).
Rules of Evidence
In reviewing legal decisions involving discriminatory conduct, Wardle cited Swanson v St.
John's Lutheran Hospital (Montana) as "the most careful interpretation of a
conscience clause provision to date, and the most consistent with its undelying
policies." Of particular interest was the trial court's
judgement that, once a complainant establishes that her dismissal was substantially due to
her conscientious objection, the burden of proof shifts to the defendant to show that she
would have been fired for some different reason. (207)
Preference in Legislation
In the appendix to the article Professor Wardle provided A Proposal for Comprehensive
Conscience Clause Legislation. With his permission, his proposed statute is
reproduced on this website.
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