Draft Irish Abortion Law: Protection of Conscience 
	Testimony before the Joint Committee on Health and Children
	Houses of the Oireachtas (Tithe an Oireachtais)
			
				
				
	
	
		
		Introduction
		In response to criticism following the death of
		Savita Halappanavar the Irish government 
		has published an early draft of the proposed abortion law, the 
		Protection of Life During Pregnancy Bill 2013.  It is 
		technically called a draft "heads of bill."  Each "head" 
		corresponds to what is likely to become a section of the final bill, but 
		the wording and content of each head have not been settled.
		 For 
		three days in May, 2013, a committee composed of Oireachtas deputies and senators heard evidence 
		from a number of expert witnesses concerning the proposal.  What 
		follows are extracts of their testimony broadly relevant to the 
		protection of conscience provision in the draft.  Links to the 
		pages from which the extracts were taken are found below each entry.  
		Links to full transcripts of the hearings are provided in the column to 
		the right. 
		Based on the testimony of the witnesses, the committee will forward a 
		report to the Irish Minister of Health, who will then finalize the 
		actual wording of a proposed bill.
	 
	17 May, 2013
	Redacted Agenda:
	
	
	
	Redacted Witness List: 
	
		- 
		Deputy James Reilly:  
 Minister for Health
- 
		Dr. Tony Holohan:  
 Chief Medical Officer
Deputy James Reilly:  Head 12 deals with conscientious objection. In this regard, professional 
	health personnel, namely, medical and nursing personnel, will not be obliged 
	to carry out or assist in carrying out lawful terminations of pregnancy if 
	they have a conscientious objection, unless the risk to the life of the 
	pregnant woman is immediate. Where a doctor or other health professional has 
	a difficulty in undertaking a required medical procedure, he or she will 
	have a duty to ensure another colleague takes over the care of the patient, 
	as is normal in current medical ethics. I should note that the right to 
	conscientious objection is a human right, which is limited to persons only 
	and cannot be invoked by institutions. 
	[P. 
	4, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Deputy Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin:   It 
	must have some structure. What is Dr. Holohan's understanding of the lead 
	practitioner in that regard and what is the situation regarding 
	conscientious objection which may present regarding one or other of the 
	psychiatrists, and particularly where the requirement is that one of the 
	psychiatrists would be attached to an institution where such a procedure is 
	carried out?
	Deputy Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin:   The requirement is that one of the 
	psychiatrists would be attached to an institution where the procedure is 
	carried out. What if the situation presented where that person, the only 
	person then available, was a conscientious objector? It is not beyond the 
	bounds of possibility.
	[P. 
	6, accessed 2013-05-27]
	
	Dr. Tony Holohan: Yes, there are some technical issues to which the 
	Minister alluded, that we will be looking at in the context of these 
	linkages between doctors and locations of practice. That is the first part 
	of the answer to that question. The other part is that doctors who raise a 
	conscientious objection are not free of obligation to the individual in that 
	situation. They must make appropriate arrangements to ensure there is an 
	appropriate onward referral. They cannot simply step away from the care of 
	that woman. The woman in that situation where the doctor has a legitimate 
	conscientious objection will not find herself in a situation where there is 
	nobody to care for her. That is the intent of this legislation but we will 
	be looking at some of those technicalities to which the Minister alluded.
	
	[P. 
	6, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Deputy Billy Timmins:  With regard to the issue of conscientious objection, if, for example, 
	staff in a hospital in Ballinasloe or Tralee or wherever decide that they 
	will avail of this clause, where does that tie-in with the fact that the 
	hospital cannot avail of that facility? If all the staff oppose it, what is 
	the solution to meet the requirements of the legislation as proposed? 
	[P.
	
	10, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Dr. Tony Holohan:  
	Deputy Timmins asked in regard to the numbers under 
	the care of the HSE. We do not maintain numbers in regard to that point, 
	therefore, I am not in a position to answer that question. I think the 
	scenario Deputy Timmins painted regarding the conscientious objector is one 
	where all practitioners in a given setting might conscientiously object. I 
	guess that is a theoretical problem and I would see it as one. It is 
	unlikely to become a practical problem and in that situation there will 
	still be a duty on the provider, which would be the HSE or perhaps one of 
	the voluntary institutions, to make arrangements to ensure that the woman - 
	let us remind ourselves that this is a woman who is in a situation where 
	there is a real and substantial risk to her life - has access to an 
	appropriate service, even if that is not available at that particular 
	location, but I rather doubt that this situation will arise in clinical 
	practice.
	[P. 
	11, accessed 2013-05-27]
	
	
	Redacted Witness List
	
		- 
		Professor Kieran Murphy: 
 Irish Medical Council [Written 
		Submission]
- 
		Professor Fionnuala McAuliffe: 
 Institute of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists [Written 
		Submission]
- 
		Dr. Méabh Ní Bhuinneáin:  
 Institute of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists
- 
		Dr. Margaret O'Riordan: 
 Irish College of General Practitioners [Written 
		Submission]
- 
		Dr. Matthew Sadlier: 
 President, Irish Medical Organisation [Written 
		Submission]
Professor Kieran Murphy:  In regard to head 12, the Medical Council is of the opinion that subheads 
	8(1) and 8(4) are largely consistent with the Medical Council's 2009 "Guide 
	to Professional Conduct and Ethics for Registered Medical Practitioners", 
	which states:
	10.1 As a doctor you must not allow your personal moral standards to 
		influence your treatment of patients.
	10.2 If you have a conscientious objection to a course of action, you 
		should explain this to the patient and make the names of other doctors 
		available to them.
	[P. 
	15, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Professor Kieran Murphy:  The Medical Council suggests head 12 be expanded to 
	ensure the holding of a conscientious objection does not absolve the 
	registered medical practitioner from his or her responsibility to a patient 
	in emergency circumstances. The view of the council is that the right to 
	conscientious objection must be balanced against the right of the patient, 
	particularly in the case of a medical emergency. The Medical Council's Guide 
	to Professional Conduct and Ethics for Registered Medical Practitioners 
	states: "10.3 Conscientious objection does not absolve you from 
	responsibility to a patient in emergency circumstances". The text of subhead 
	(1) should be amended to specifically include the term "conscientious 
	objection". It is not clear whether subhead (1) applies exclusively to the 
	carrying out of the procedure or whether it also applies to involvement by 
	certifying registered medical practitioners in the assessment of risk, the 
	certification process and the review process. Subhead (2), as drafted, is 
	unclear.
	[P.
	
	16, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Professor Fionnuala McAuliffe:  Head 4 concerns the risk of loss of 
	life from self-destruction. The Institute of Obstetricians and 
	Gynaecologists does not differentiate in terms of logistical arrangements 
	between physical or mental reasons for considering a termination. One 
	obstetrician would be required to examine the patient and sign the 
	documentation, and the support of a second obstetrical opinion would have to 
	be sought. We accept there is a need for two psychiatrists, however, as it 
	would be their expertise that the obstetricians would rely upon to determine 
	whether suicidal ideation is true intent and poses a real and substantive 
	risk to the life of the mother.
	. . .Head 12 pertains to conscientious objection. We endorse the current 
	Medical Council Guidelines of 2009, 10.1 to 10.3, inclusive, regarding the 
	options and responsibilities for clinicians with a conscientious objection 
	to participating in certain clinical treatments.
	[P.
	
	17, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Dr. Margaret O'Riordan: Current obstetric practice does not place a patient in the care of an 
	obstetrician until 16 to 20 weeks gestation. 
	[P.
	
	17, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Dr. Matthew Sadlier:  . . . we have a number of general concerns regarding the 
	legislation: that the patient's health and welfare is of paramount 
	importance; the legislation must provide adequate clarity and protection to 
	health care professionals who must operate under it; the legislation must be 
	practical and realistic for application in a hospital and health care 
	environment; the legislation must be sufficiently resourced; where issues of 
	morals are concerned, such as in abortion, the laws must provide adequate 
	flexibility to ensure that an individual can abstain from engaging in an 
	activity which he or she may deem, in conscience, to be immoral without 
	jeopardising the right of the relevant patients to all the facilities and 
	treatments for which the law provides.
	I will give a brief summary of our issues in respect of each head of the 
	Bill. In head 1, we believe the term "reasonable opinion" should be replaced 
	by the term "opinion" and the term "unborn" replaced by the more medical 
	term "foetus". In head 2, the opinion of two medical practitioners is 
	required to certify jointly that there is a real and substantial risk to the 
	life of the mother and where the risk can only be averted by the termination 
	of the pregnancy. Where a pregnant woman presents with a physical condition 
	that poses a real and substantial risk to her life, clear clinical 
	guidelines are required in order to identify, monitor and treat such 
	patients. While such cases are rare, public obstetric units must be 
	appropriately resourced to ensure that patients are adequately cared for 
	according to clinical guidelines and that no delay to life saving procedures 
	arises due to under-resourcing. A system should be in place to allow medical 
	practitioners to declare a conscientious objection and protocols must be in 
	place to deal with situations of conscientious objection as they arise.
	Medical practitioners who have no conscientious objection must receive 
	appropriate training either during postgraduate training or as part of 
	compulsory CPD programmes organised and resourced by the State. The health 
	and welfare of the patient is paramount and therefore women must be provided 
	with appropriate follow-on care, both physical and psychological, following 
	any termination.
	. . . Finally, head 12 deals with conscientious objection. Recent debate 
	at the IMO's annual general meeting shows that there are a number of 
	physicians who object strongly to the termination of pregnancy on moral and 
	ethical grounds and the IMO welcomes the provision for conscientious 
	objection under head 12. However, patients who present with life threatening 
	illness must be reassured that they will receive adequate care and the 
	necessary termination to protect maternal life. Clear protocols must be in 
	place to ensure appropriate and timely referral of patients to other 
	colleagues in the case of conscientious objection.
	[P.
	
	18, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Deputy Billy Kelleher:   . . . In terms of GPs having conscientious objections, should there be an 
	obligation on a GP, when a patient arrives at a surgery and has reason to 
	believe there is a substantial risk to her life because of pregnancy, to 
	inform her of his or her conscientious objection to a termination of 
	pregnancy in the context of a threat to life by suicide or physical health 
	grounds? 
	[P.
	
	20, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Deputy Seamus Healy:   Several contributors referred to the provisions 
	regarding appropriate locations, which refer to public obstetric units where 
	there is a mental health facility. The witnesses have indicated a preference 
	that this be broadened to include public hospitals in general. Will they 
	elaborate on this? Will they comment on the availability of medical 
	personnel to operate the system as outlined under the heads, particularly in 
	smaller hospitals in locations throughout the country? Will Professor Murphy 
	elaborate on the issue of conscientious objection?
	[P.
	
	20, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Dr. Margaret O'Riordan: In response to Deputy Billy Kelleher's questions, 
	the Medical Council guidelines are very clear in regard to conscientious 
	objection. A general practitioner would have to inform a patient if he or 
	she had a conscientious objection.
	[P.
	
	20, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Professor Kieran Murphy:  Deputy Healy asked a specific question on 
	conscientious objection, so I will outline the current Medical Council 
	guidance on the issue. There are a number of points taken from the guide to 
	professional conduct and ethics for registered medical practitioners, and 
	members may recall that during our submission in January, we circulated 
	copies of the guide. We have not done so this time because we assume they 
	have seen it already. If Members wish to see copies of the guide afterwards, 
	we would be very happy to circulate them. With regard to conscientious 
	objection, the guidance is as follows:
	10.1 As a doctor, you must not allow your personal moral standards to 
		influence your treatment of patients.
	10.2 If you have a conscientious objection to a course of action, you 
		should explain this to the patient and make the names of other doctors 
		available to them.
	That addresses the point made by Deputy Kelleher, which was also 
	addressed by Dr. O'Riordan in her response. The council wishes to see this 
	particular head extended in regard to the Medical Council's third point in 
	the guidance, "10.3 Conscientious objection does not absolve you from 
	responsibility to a patient in emergency circumstances." As we noted in our 
	submission, the Medical Council suggests that head 12 should be expanded to 
	ensure that the holding of a conscientious objection does not absolve the 
	registered medical practitioner of responsibility to a patient in emergency 
	circumstances. The view of the council is that the right to conscientious 
	objection must be balanced against the right of the patient, particularly in 
	the case of a medical emergency.
	[P.
	
	21, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Senator Jillian van Turnhout:  Conscientious objection is something everyone can understand and 
	appreciate but should we consider a requirement that as a general rule a 
	practitioner would declare his or her conscientious objection rather than 
	waiting until a situation got to a certain point? How do we ensure that 
	hospitals would have an adequate number of medical professionals who have 
	not declared a conscientious objection?
	[P.
	
	22, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Professor Fionnuala McAuliffe: . . . In terms of doctors who are conscientious objectors, in a large number of 
	these cases we are talking about emergency situations and the practice and 
	care currently being delivered around the country. We do not have any 
	difficulty with the provision of emergency care around the country. We would 
	defer to the Medical Council in terms of conscientious objection for 
	non-emergency cases.
	[P.
	
	22, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Dr. Margaret O'Riordan: In response to Deputy Conway's question, we must 
	remember that this is a very small group of women where there is a real and 
	substantive risk to the life of the mother. Therefore, the need for the 
	referral path may not occur very often in the average GP practice. That is 
	all the more reason it should be clearly defined and timely when we need to 
	avail of the referral pathway.
	To answer Deputy Byrne's question, the situation is no different from any 
	other situation and it is normal practice for patients to approach the 
	health service through their general practitioners. In the vast majority of 
	instances it is through the general practitioners in the first place.
	[P.
	
	22, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Professor Kieran Murphy: With regard, first, to Senator van Turnhout's 
	question, I am very pleased that she agrees with the Medical Council 
	position that heads 2 and 4 should be merged. As Professor McAuliffe has 
	outlined, that is also the position of the Institute of Obstetricians and 
	Gynaecologists.
	On Senator van Turnhout's question on the difference between a registered 
	practitioner and a non-registered practitioner, the Medical Practitioners 
	Act, which regulates the profession, specifies that all doctors have to be 
	registered. If one practises in this country and one is not registered, it 
	is a criminal offence. It is very important for the legislation that it 
	makes reference to the fact that all doctors working in this country must be 
	registered.
	To reply to Senator van Turnhout's question on conscientious objection, 
	the Medical Council guidance on conscientious objection, item 10.2, 
	specifically says that one must explain to the patient if one has a 
	conscientious objection and make the names of other doctors available to 
	them. This is an important provision because it protects the woman and 
	ensures that she is able to access the most appropriate treatment for her. 
	Care should not be dependent on any moral value the practitioner might hold.
	[P.
	
	22, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Dr. Matthew Sadlier: . . . On Senator van Turnhout's question on 
	conscientious objectors, as the representative body for doctors we would be 
	insistent that our concerns regarding the use of information on whether a 
	doctor is a conscientious objector would not become a stigmatising or 
	discriminatory element in the interview and recruitment process to posts 
	within hospitals.
	[P.
	
	22, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Deputy Peter Fitzpatrick:   I thank the witnesses very much for making 
	themselves available. My first question is whether doctors and nurses who 
	wish to have no part in abortions under head 4, either directly or 
	indirectly, will be protected in their profession and livelihood?
	[P.
	
	22, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Professor Fionnuala McAuliffe: In response to Deputy Peter Fitzpatrick, 
	it is fair to say the lack of evidence on the role of termination in the 
	treatment of suicidal pregnant women is an ethical concern for our members. 
	However, we need to remember that we are talking about pregnant women, in 
	respect of whom after consultation two senior obstetricians, plus or minus 
	physicians or psychiatrists, feel there is a significant risk to her life 
	which can only be averted by termination of pregnancy or early delivery of 
	the baby. We are talking about a small number of cases of very sick women 
	who need access to life-saving treatment. The general view of the institute 
	- the majority view - is that we will not differentiate between causes of 
	risk to life, whether they be mental or physical.
	[P.
	
	23, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Professor Kieran Murphy: I will deal with Deputy Peter Fitzpatrick's 
	questions first. He raised issues regarding the guidance on conscientious 
	objection and also the guidance on abortion. As I previously read the 
	detailed guidance for doctors, I do not propose to waste the members' time 
	by going over the issue again. I have dealt with that issue previously.
	
	[P.
	
	23, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Dr. Matthew Sadlier: On conscientious objection, if legislation is passed 
	it is meaningful only if it has sufficient resources and mechanisms to 
	action what it contains. It is very much the responsibility of employers to 
	have a system in place which includes professionals who do not have a 
	conscientious objection, thus protecting those who do from engaging in 
	practices with which they have a difficulty.
	Deputy Denis Naughten:   . 
	. . With regard to conscientious objection, what happens if in smaller units 
	all three existing consultants decide they are not prepared to get involved 
	in these procedures? Does this mean for any new posts created people's 
	personal opinions would have to be determined before they could be 
	recruited?
	[P.24,
	accessed 2013-05-27]
	Dr. Méabh Ní Bhuinneáin: Emergency treatment excluded, the smaller 
	hospitals are networked - now formally, previously informally. If it turns 
	out that there are three conscientious objectors in one unit, the network 
	and institutions will have to decide, where care is delivered, if it is safe 
	and timely to hold that decision to treat until the woman can be 
	transferred. If it is not safe and timely to hold the decision to treat, 
	under current Medical Council standards, even conscientious objectors must 
	provide care, because guideline 10.1 is essential - one must not allow one's 
	moral standard to determine the care provided to the woman.
	[P.
	
	26, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Dr. Matthew Sadlier: I will try to be as quick as possible. In response 
	to Deputy Naughten's comment regarding employment of staff, we would be very 
	opposed to a doctor's status of conscientious objection being a criterion in 
	whether he or she attains a post in a facility. We would view that as 
	similar to discrimination based upon religious, gender or other grounds.
	[P.
	
	26, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Deputy Terence Flanagan:   The ICGP's submission asked how doctors who 
	are willing to refer patients requesting a termination will be identified. 
	Do they propose that there be a register of doctors who have no objection in 
	principle to the direct and intentional killing of an unborn baby? . . . In 
	their comments on head 6 they suggest that "practitioners who declare a 
	conscientious objection must be excluded from review panels". Is it the 
	IMO's position that doctors should be screened for pro-life values and 
	excluded on that basis, or that review panels should be made up exclusively 
	of doctors who have no principled objection to the direct killing of an 
	unborn baby? To be intellectually consistent as well as being fair in terms 
	of the equal right to life of the unborn child, should practitioners who 
	declare support for general abortion rights be excluded from panels 
	determining whether abortion is an appropriate treatment for a threat of 
	self-destruction?
	[P.
	
	26, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Professor Fionnuala McAuliffe: In terms of the lack of 
	evidence, an issue raised by Senator Rónán Mullen, the institute 
	acknowledges that there is a lack of evidence of the role of termination of 
	pregnancy. This poses an ethical dilemma for our members. We went through a 
	planned consultative process and we represent the majority view within 
	obstetrics and gynaecology in Ireland. Members will have an opportunity this 
	afternoon to hear views from individuals and individual units, but the view 
	presented in our submission is the majority view that emerged from a 
	consultation process that involved consultation with the executive members 
	and representatives of each of the 19 maternity units involved. Members are, 
	therefore, hearing the majority view within the specialty this morning.
	
	[P.
	
	28, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Dr. Matthew Sadlier:  We welcome the fact that there is a provision for 
	conscientious objectors and that doctors can object to engaging in this 
	process and are not being forced to engage in a process to which they 
	object, notwithstanding their obligations under the Medical Council ethical 
	guidelines which Professor Murphy alluded to previously. If they agree to 
	participate in this process, whatever morals and ethics they use to inform 
	their decisions is a matter for them. Obviously, they are guided by the 
	Medical Council guidelines and those of their own colleges and specialised 
	information.
	[P.
	
	29, accessed 2013-05-27]
	
	
	Redacted Witness List:
	
		- 
		Dr. Peter Boylan: 
 Clinical Director, National Maternity Hospital [Written 
		Submission]
- 
		Dr. Sam Coulter-Smith: 
 Master of the Rotunda Hospital, Dublin
- 
		Dr. Rhona Mahony: 
 Master of the National Maternity Hospital
Dr. Sam Coulter-Smith:  In respect of loss of life from self-destruction there are a number of 
	issues that need to be raised. First, this is an extraordinarily rare 
	situation with the incidence of suicide in pregnancy of the order of one in 
	500,000 pregnancies as per United Kingdom figures. Second, our psychiatric 
	colleagues tell us that there is currently no available evidence to show 
	that termination of pregnancy is a treatment for suicidal ideation or intent 
	and, as obstetricians, we are required to provide and practice 
	evidence-based treatment. . . It, therefore, creates 
	an ethical dilemma for any obstetrician who has requested to perform a 
	termination of pregnancy for the treatment of someone with either suicidal 
	ideation or intent. Third, this legislation, I am sure, is designed to 
	create clarity and reassurance for both health professionals and patients 
	alike.
	[P.
	
	31, accessed 2013-05-27]
	The fact that there is no gestational limit in respect of the third 
	scenario relating to suicidality is a major ethical issue for obstetricians. 
	I will illustrate this with two scenarios. First, let us consider the case 
	of a patient who is 25 weeks' gestation. If she is deemed to be sufficiently 
	suicidal to require a termination of pregnancy by one or more psychiatric 
	colleagues, an obstetrician who is tasked with dealing with this situation 
	is faced with an enormous ethical dilemma. Delivering a baby at 25 weeks' 
	gestation could lead to death, due to extreme prematurity or it could lead 
	to a child with cerebral palsy or with other significant developmental 
	issues for the future. This outcome would be entirely iatrogenic and the 
	responsibility of those clinicians who have agreed to be involved in the 
	process. This is a source of serious concern for myself and my colleagues.
	[P.
	
	31, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Another clinical scenario which provides a difficult ethical dilemma is a 
	situation whereby at a woman's 20 week anatomy scan a significant but 
	non-lethal malformation is discovered. The patient, for a variety of 
	reasons, may decide that she cannot continue with the pregnancy and it is 
	causing her significant mental health issues with risk of suicide. The 
	obstetrician is left in the unenviable position of, by law, having to look 
	after the best interests of the baby but also the understanding of the 
	mother's issues. It would, therefore, seem appropriate in a case where there 
	is a risk of self-destruction that there is no gestational limit applied in 
	this situation as this creates a major ethical dilemma for us. 
	[P.
	
	31, accessed 2013-05-27]
	My overriding concern, however, in relation to the 
	whole area of self-destruction and termination of pregnancy to prevent same, 
	relates to the lack of evidence to show that termination is of any 
	assistance in this scenario and that we as obstetricians and gynaecologists 
	must be able to stand over the decisions we make as being based on good 
	medical evidence. . .
	[P.
	
	32, accessed 2013-05-27]
	. . .Each of our Dublin maternity hospitals delivers approximately 9,000 
	women per year. The midwife to patient ratio is approximately half of what 
	it should be, the consultant to patient ratio is also half of what it should 
	be. We have seen an increase in the delivery rate in Dublin of about 30% 
	over the past six years and this has put an enormous strain on the 
	infrastructure of our hospitals. The increase in the number of women 
	delivered is now leading to a huge increase in the demand for gynaecology 
	services to the extent that waiting lists for routine gynaecology outpatient 
	clinics are currently well over a year and growing. The combination of these 
	factors means that it would be extremely difficult for us in the maternity 
	hospitals to take on any additional service which would require input from 
	staff in an outpatient setting in terms of assessment or in theatre time to 
	cope with an increase in the number of termination procedures.
	[P.
	
	32, accessed 2013-05-27]
	In conclusion, I welcome this draft legislation, particularly in the area 
	of real and substantial risk to the life of the mother which pertains to 
	physical illness. I think, however, that there are significant concerns in 
	all areas of the medical profession in relation to this Bill when it comes 
	to suicidality. Our overriding concern relates to the lack of evidence to 
	show that termination of pregnancy is an appropriate treatment for women who 
	are deemed to be at risk of suicide. As obstetricians we are expected to 
	practise evidence-based interventions and first and foremost to do no harm. 
	This legislation should help in providing clarity and reassurance to 
	professionals and patients alike. To enact and underpin the idea that 
	termination of pregnancy is a solution or a treatment for a patient at risk 
	of committing suicide when there is no evidence to support that intervention 
	creates an ethical dilemma for our profession.
	[P.
	
	32, accessed 2013-05-27]
	To make matters a little more difficult there is no gestational limit 
	mentioned in the draft at which this termination might happen. This opens 
	the possibility for iatrogenic prematurity with all the risks of infant 
	morbidity and mortality. Who will be responsible for these interventions? I 
	also confirm to the committee that we as a profession, and particularly in 
	my hospital, have concerns about the potential for increased demand for 
	termination services in this country as this may be an unintended 
	consequence of this legislation in its current form.
	[P.
	
	32, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Dr. Rhona Mahony: Chairman and members of the 
	committee, I thank you for the opportunity to comment on the draft heads of 
	the protection of life during pregnancy Bill. I am the master of the 
	National Maternity Hospital. I am a practising obstetrician, having 
	practised for 17 years, and am a specialist in foetal and maternal medicine. 
	I have practised as a consultant at the National Maternity Hospital since 
	2008. . . .
	
	. . . The indications for termination of pregnancy prior to foetal 
	viability include situations such as infection, choreoamnionitis, blood 
	pressure that we are unable to control, haemorrhage, treatment for some 
	cancers and management of severe medical disorders in pregnancy such as 
	heart disease. These situations are very complex and very rare. At the 
	National Maternity Hospital, which is one of the busiest maternity hospitals 
	in Europe, we have annually up to five cases. 
	[P.
	
	32, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Dr. Rhona Mahony:  I am pleased to note that conscientious objection is 
	addressed in the Bill. 
	[P.33, 
	accessed 2013-05-27]
	Dr. Peter Boylan: . . . If 
	a woman is referred to me by a psychiatrist whose opinion I respect - an 
	opinion which is not driven by ideology but by care for the woman, taking 
	everything into account - and if that psychiatrist believes the only way she 
	will be prevented from killing herself - it is her life I am talking about - 
	is by terminating that pregnancy and if I trust the psychiatrist's opinion, 
	I will terminate the pregnancy. If the mother dies through suicide, so too 
	does the baby. This is about the protection of life in pregnancy. That is my 
	comment in that regard.
	. . .Foetal viability is considered in all of our clinical decisions. 
	This arises, for example, in the case of women with extremely severe 
	hypertension. In that case if a mother has seizures, she may well die or she 
	may effectively become brain dead or blind if we do not deliver the baby. We 
	will deliver a baby at 23 weeks in order to save a mother's life. As I said, 
	we cannot allow a woman who is pregnant to die in front of our eyes. We 
	cannot allow her to get to a situation where she may kill herself. If she 
	kills herself or she dies, the baby dies too. . . 
	[P.
	
	34, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Dr. Rhona Mahony: I will answer the questions Deputy Kelleher raised. If 
	the X case did not exist, would we still legislate for suicide? Suicide is 
	death. We are legislating here for the substantial risk to life. If one 
	commits suicide, one dies so, inherently, when someone plans to take their 
	life, they are at risk of dying. I make no distinction between medical and 
	physical risk to life. I am not talking about mental health disorder but 
	about the intent to commit suicide which can occur without a history of 
	mental disorder.
	
	In terms of suicide and all the evidence we talk about, the incidence of 
	suicide is about one in 500,000. There is no evidence. When a condition is 
	that rare, it is impossible to perform adequate research or studies which 
	inform one because the condition and the outcome are so rare. If one was to 
	truly examine the issue of suicide, one would have to take a group of women 
	who planned to kill themselves and randomise them to termination of 
	pregnancy to prevent them from killing themselves or to not being allowed 
	have termination of pregnancy. I suggest that studies should never be done. 
	What we do instead is we defer to our psychiatric colleagues who are expert 
	in the assessment of suicide ideation and they use their clinical experience 
	and acumen.
	[P.
	
	35, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Dr. Rhona Mahony:  I am not a psychiatrist, but with regard to this business that there is 
	no evidence that termination of pregnancy is a treatment for suicide, we are 
	not talking about treating - we are talking about the risk to life. If 
	members want to remove suicide from the legislation, in the X case, 
	involving a 14 year old girl, is everyone in the room absolutely certain 
	there was no way that X would kill herself and no way that she would die? In 
	the case of a woman who does not want to be pregnant and who is so 
	distressed by her pregnancy that she tells us that she wants to kill 
	herself, can we all sit here and say we are absolutely certain she will not 
	kill herself? I cannot. 
	[P.
	
	37, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Dr. Sam Coulter-Smith:  We have talked in detail about the consultant-patient ratio. Our 
	midwife-patient ratio is also approximately half of what it should be. The 
	internationally recognised appropriate ratio of midwives to patients should 
	be between 1:25 and 1:30. In our hospital at present it is approximately 
	1:50. That is in a situation where, at our peak levels of activity, there 
	were 42 deliveries in a 24-hour period last December.
	[P.
	
	40,, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Dr. Peter Boylan: Deputy Robert Troy asked why we should separate medical from psychiatric 
	illnesses. I have always felt, like my colleagues Dr. Mahony and Dr. 
	Coulter-Smith, that if a particular procedure is required to save the life 
	of a mother, the reason the procedure is required should not depend on 
	whether the risk to her life is a consequence of a medical condition such as 
	a congenital or complex heart disease or the consequence of an imminent 
	danger that she will kill herself. 
	
	An issue we have not covered in great depth is that of conscientious 
	objection, which I propose to deal with briefly. It is important to note 
	that this issue also applies to the mother. We, as doctors, may make a 
	decision that a mother is very likely to die, unless there is a termination 
	of pregnancy, but the woman herself may refuse that termination because she 
	is willing to take the risk or she has a conscientious objection to 
	undergoing a termination of pregnancy. As doctors, we will respect that 
	wish. Likewise, the wishes of doctors and midwives who have a conscientious 
	objection to being involved in a termination of pregnancy will be 
	accommodated. Those of us who have trained abroad, in the United Kingdom and 
	elsewhere, have personal experience of this and not faced any difficulty 
	when it has come to performing terminations of pregnancy, primarily for 
	social reasons in the United Kingdom. There is no problem with this and no 
	need for people to be afraid. Nobody will be forced under this legislation 
	to do anything against his or her conscience. Everybody should be reassured 
	about this. We are adult, professional people. 
	[P.
	
	42, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Deputy Terence Flanagan:   Dr. Mahony argued strongly before this 
	committee in January that greater clarity is required in the law governing 
	the termination of pregnancy, and that all the heads of Bill do is simply 
	quote verbatim the X case test without offering any assistance in 
	interpreting this, including what constitutes a real and substantial risk. 
	How does this provide the clarity she said was needed?
	
	I ask all the witnesses how the proposed legislation currently stands if 
	two psychiatrists rule that a woman needs an abortion. Would an obstetrician 
	feel comfortable overruling their professional opinions? How is the role of 
	the obstetrician envisaged in that type of scenario? If a woman presents in 
	the 20th week of a pregnancy with twins, states she is suicidal and requests 
	an abortion for one twin - what is described as a "selective reduction" in 
	the UK - would doctors be willing to carry out such a termination? If two 
	psychiatrists told a doctor to abort a child at 20 weeks' gestation, would 
	it be done, or could the doctor request that the termination be delayed in 
	order to give the child a better chance of survival?
	[P.
	
	43, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Dr. Rhona Mahony: . . . The Deputy commented on the 
	number of terminations performed elsewhere in the world. That is 
	disingenuous and does not add anything to today's debate. We are not talking 
	about termination of pregnancy for any reason; we are discussing termination 
	of pregnancy within a very narrow and confined context of risk to life, 
	where terminations of pregnancy are performed to save a woman's life. These 
	instances are rare. In my hospital, which is one of the busiest maternity 
	hospitals in Europe, we perform approximately up to five of these procedures 
	every year. Please do not confuse us with figures of 7 million or other 
	large numbers. That is disingenuous.
	[P.
	
	43, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Dr. Sam Coulter-Smith: I do not have anything further to add to Dr. 
	O'Mahony's comments directed at Deputy Mathews. Deputy Terence Flanagan 
	asked what is a real and substantial risk to the life of the mother, which 
	is very difficult to identify. We should leave that up to our very competent 
	doctors in obstetrics and gynaecology, oncology and cardiology and any other 
	specialty dealing with very sick patients. We have a very high standard of 
	medicine in this country and it is appropriate to put legislation in place 
	to protect our doctors and let them do what they do best in treating women 
	and all patients to the very best of their ability. We do not need to be 
	prescriptive on those lines.
	We were asked if an obstetrician would overrule a psychiatrist. We do not 
	have the expertise and experience in the psychiatric area to overrule a 
	psychiatrist, so I cannot see that happening. However, we do have 
	conscientious objection to protect us in that regard. 
	[P.
	
	43, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Dr. Sam Coulter Smith:  Yes, our results are excellent and remarkable. I stressed 
	earlier that this was down to the skill and dedication of our midwives and 
	the excellent doctors who work from facilities that are absolutely not fit 
	for purpose any longer. To tell the committee about the Rotunda Hospital, we 
	have nine delivery rooms when we should have 16. Our public postnatal wards 
	were built in 1757. The infection control risks we face on a day-to-day 
	basis are ridiculous. It is absolutely crazy in this day and age that we are 
	providing modern-day obstetric services out of a building which is no longer 
	fit for purpose, but the results are fantastic. That is down to the staff.
	When we are talking about saving mothers' lives, we should not use the 
	terms "abortion" and "saving mothers' lives" in the same sentence, full 
	stop. It is a dreadful reflection on anyone who would actually do that. This 
	is about saving mothers' lives, preserving dignity and not stigmatising 
	anybody. These are wanted pregnancies, loved pregnancies, and intervention 
	has to be made to save the mother's life. To call it an abortion is wrong.
	[P.
	
	44, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Dr. Peter Boylan: The legislation is incredibly restrictive by 
	international standards. Any suggestion this is a liberal legislative 
	programme needs to be utterly rejected. Comparisons with the United Kingdom 
	or any other country in Europe - in fact, any other country apart from Malta 
	- are disingenuous and false. This is incredibly restrictive which everybody 
	needs to recognise. I have a fundamental problem with people abrogating the 
	term "pro-life" to themselves and trying to paint me into a corner where I 
	am held up as not being pro-life. Nothing could be further from the truth. 
	As I have spent my entire professional career trying to care for and save 
	lives, I have a fundamental personal objection to this.
	. . . An obstetrician feeling uncomfortable can invoke the conscientious 
	objection clause. That is not an issue. Questions were asked about whether 
	we would terminate a single twin if the mother asked for it. No, let us not 
	go there, as that is getting into silly territory.
	Senator Paul Bradford made reference to the health of the mother. This is 
	about the life of the mother; not about her health. We are concerned that if 
	a woman is not allowed to have a termination of pregnancy, she will die, not 
	that she will be unhealthy. This is about death. Stop introducing the term 
	"health" because it is irrelevant.
	Ireland is not a chilling place. It is very good, but it is not because 
	of the facilities available or anything else; it is in spite of what Dr. 
	Coulter-Smith has very eloquently and repeatedly drawn attention to in terms 
	of deficiencies in services.
	I was asked if I had ever been unable to intervene because of the current 
	legal situation, to carry out a termination of pregnancy and the woman had 
	died. I have not, but I have personal, inside information and knowledge from 
	the west of a woman who died last year because the doctors were unable to 
	terminate the pregnancy because of the law.
 . . I also have personal experience as a junior 
	doctor of a woman who died during pregnancy because she had a conscientious 
	objection to termination of pregnancy. She was so desperate to give birth to 
	a child that she did and then she died. That happens too and we, obviously, 
	respected her wish. 
	[P. 	
	44,, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Dr. Peter Boylan:  We were asked if we would ask a psychiatrist to delay a termination if 
	the duration of the pregnancy was 20 weeks. We are obliged under this 
	legislation to take due care to do all we can to preserve the life of the 
	baby. It is not a question of a psychiatrist rolling up and saying we should 
	terminate a pregnancy without any discussion between us. We do not act like 
	that. It is not a professional way to behave and we do not behave like that. 
	These will be joint decisions taken in consultation with our psychiatric 
	colleagues, whose opinions we respect and trust.
	[P.
	
	46, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Dr. Sam Coulter-Smith: My comments on the first question would echo those 
	of Dr. Boylan. Senator Norris asked about babies being left to die or 
	deliberately killed. There is absolutely no question of that happening in 
	this country. He also asked if termination of pregnancy was the equivalent 
	of the death of a child. It is not, because it depends on the gestation at 
	which it occurs. We dealt with that earlier. He asked about the different 
	clinical scenarios. Where there is a threat to the life of the mother based 
	on a physical illness, in all likelihood the evidence will be much clearer. 
	Where there is a risk of suicide, the evidence is a little less clear and it 
	makes that situation much more challenging and difficult to deal with. That 
	is where the expertise of our psychiatric colleagues is required. Senator 
	Norris is absolutely correct that whether the intervention occurs because a 
	woman has a physical illness or because she is suicidal, the outcome of that 
	situation will be the same at a particular gestation.
	[P.
	
	46, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Dr. Sam Coulter-Smith:  On head 4 and intervening in a case of 
	suicidality, no obstetrician would have an issue with intervening and 
	performing a termination of pregnancy if it were to save the life of the 
	mother and if every other avenue had been explored and there were no others. 
	[P.
	
	47, accessed 2013-05-27]
	
	
	Redacted Witness List:
	
		- 
		 Dr. Gerard Burke:  
 Mid-Western Regional Maternity Hospital [Written 
		Submission]
- 
		Dr. Mary McCaffrey:  
 Kerry General Hospital in Tralee [Written 
		Submission]
- 
		Dr. John Monaghan:  
 Portiuncula Hospital in Ballinasloe [Written 
		Submission]
- 
		Dr. Máire Milner:  
 Our Lady of Lourdes Hospital
Dr. Gerard Burke: . . . On 
	the issue of resources, in the next decade we can expect in the order of 100 
	maternal deaths in Ireland. It is possible that one, two or three of these 
	potential maternal deaths might be affected by the legislation before us. In 
	terms of the number of possible deaths, therefore, this great intellectual 
	effort will affect a relatively small number of women. It is important that 
	the Oireachtas would at some point address the state of the maternity 
	services. The unit in Limerick which I represent, for example, has the 
	lowest number of obstetricians in the whole of Europe at two per 100,000. 
	This shortage of resources will likely lead to some difficulties in the 
	future.
	We have identified two minor technical issues that should be addressed, 
	the first of which relates to the question of an ectopic pregnancy. It is 
	possible to have an ectopic pregnancy within the womb, in the cervix, in the 
	neck of the womb or in the scar of a previous caesarean section. We are 
	seeing more and more of the latter as the rate of caesareans has risen. One 
	can have a pregnancy that is ectopic but within the womb, and that is an 
	extremely dangerous condition which could fall under this legislation.
	[P.
	
	48, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Dr. Mary McCaffrey: I thank the Chairman and the committee for the 
	opportunity to contribute to the discussion. Like Dr. Burke, I commend the 
	Government and the legal draftsmen on putting together these legislative 
	proposals under such difficult circumstances. My submission is intended to 
	reflect on how the proposed legislation might impact on the practice of 
	obstetrics in small to medium-sized units, that is, in units with three 
	consultant obstetricians on the staff. There are 12 such units out of the 
	total of 19 in the country, and they deliver approximately one third of all 
	babies. Therefore, they make up a significant number of deliveries. I will 
	not dwell too much on the issue of resources other than to say that, in 
	general, we would tend to be very under-resourced.
	[P.
	
	48, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Dr. Mary McCaffrey: Regarding head 3, risk of loss of life from 
	physical illness in an emergency situation, sadly, in the course of our work 
	we deal all the time with patients who have severe impending infection, 
	severe pre-eclampsia or haemorrhage. The legislation now protects us in a 
	way that we were not protected before so we welcome it for those cases.
	. . . For a significant number of colleagues with 
	whom I have discussed head 12, conscientious objection, this is a really 
	significant area. There are many obstetricians in the country who have 
	conscientious objections to being involved in providing termination of 
	pregnancy. This must be respected. Under Medical Council guidelines, they 
	are entitled to have conscientious objections. The important point is that 
	the public will know that where the life of the mother is at risk and where 
	medical care is needed appropriately, the care of the mother and her baby 
	will always be paramount for every doctor and that if a doctor has a 
	conscientious objection, he or she will have the facility to provide access 
	to another colleague in a timely manner. That is very important.
	Over the past couple of months there has been some suggestion in the 
	media and elsewhere that doctors should have to declare their moral and 
	ethical objections to being involved in termination of pregnancy prior to 
	taking up employment. This has caused fear for a number of colleagues, not 
	those of us currently employed because we have our jobs but people in the 
	future might feel that they would be disadvantaged or discriminated against 
	at interview by an employer who feels that a certain doctor is not going to 
	do terminations but one who will do them is needed on the staff. This has to 
	be taken very seriously because under subsection (3) of head 12, "No 
	institution, organisation or third party shall refuse to provide a lawful 
	termination of pregnancy to a woman on grounds of conscientious objection". 
	If there is a hospital management structure that for whatever reason feels 
	all of its doctors must provide terminations, no doctor should fear that if 
	he or she applies for a job there and has a particular ethical point of 
	view, he or she will be discriminated against in getting a job. That is very 
	important. A few people would like to know who is the "third party" referred 
	to in that subsection because that was not clear to us. 
	[P.
	
	49, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Dr. John Monaghan:  My second point refers to head 4, which deals with the risk of loss of 
	life from self-destruction. The other reason we are here today is the 
	Supreme Court case of X, which occurred 22 years ago. As an obstetrician, I 
	do not have any first-hand experience of psychiatry. It reflects an enormous 
	change in obstetric practice that an obstetrician is being asked to 
	intervene in a physically healthy pregnancy. While it appears from the 
	legislation that an obstetrician would be involved in the decision-making, 
	he is referred to otherwise possibly as a technician, suggesting that maybe 
	he should be involved so he does not feel like a technician. However, my gut 
	is extremely unhappy with the idea of a mindless terminator for psychiatric 
	reasons. This decision was made 21 years ago. From the hearings that were 
	held in January, I do not believe any case of suicide associated with 
	refusal of termination has ever surfaced. The evidence from my reading of it 
	seems to be extremely poor. Many of the speakers earlier were happy to take 
	the expert advice of a psychiatrist to act if required. I am not certain how 
	a psychiatrist can reach a decision on this matter where to date I do not 
	believe any evidence has been produced.
	The psychiatric or suicide risk clause has been brought in in other 
	jurisdictions and has been widely - I would say universally - abused. Last 
	year, The Daily Telegraph did an exposé of the abuse of psychiatric 
	reasons in the UK, with the use of pre-stamped forms. People went to one 
	doctor to get a form stamped, then to another to get it stamped and then got 
	a termination. I can see no reason, despite the safeguards built into this 
	legislation, that culture could not arise in this country in the future. I 
	am extremely concerned as an obstetrician that I would be drawn into a 
	situation in which a termination of pregnancy will be done for psychiatric 
	reasons without very clear evidence that this is to the patient's benefit. 
	If the baby is going to lose its life in this circumstance, then I would 
	want to be very clear that there is a clinical benefit to the mother. To 
	date, I can see none of that. That is my big issue with the heads of the 
	Bill.
	The other matter which I would like to deal with is the question of 
	conscience, which Dr. Mary McCaffrey mentioned as well. I use the term 
	"conscience" rather than "conscientious objection" because the latter 
	implies that this is a problem. Twice in the past few months, as a doctor, I 
	have been told that a doctor should leave his or her conscience outside the 
	room. I would ask the committee to reflect on what it means if a doctor 
	suspends his or her conscience faculties. Conscience is not a religious 
	concept. If one sees somebody beating a child on the street and one 
	continues to do one's shopping, then there is something wrong with one's 
	conscience. It is an obvious thing. For example, if I decided to suspend my 
	conscience with a patient on a waiting list and he offered me €300 to go up 
	the list, then that is a very tempting, painless and invisible transaction 
	which I am sure occurs in the political world. The only thing that will stop 
	a practitioner-----
	[P.
	
	50, accessed 2013-05-27]
	In relation to the conscience matter, conscience has been under attack in 
	the past five years or so in the medical literature. I have attached two 
	articles on conscience to my submission - one hostile to and one supporting 
	conscience. The Bill to be produced should recognise the importance of 
	conscience rather than the importance of conscientious objection, on which I 
	would be happy to answer questions.
	[P. 	
	51, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Deputy Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin: . . .In terms of a smaller number of professional colleagues, does this 
	create particular situations, given the larger body of colleagues those from 
	the major Dublin-based hospitals would have to call on? For instance, I 
	refer to the issue of conscientious objection, to which Dr. Monaghan 
	referred. Are there given situations where the witnesses may not have the 
	complement of necessary professionals to make the evaluations? 
	[P.
	
	51,, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Deputy Seamus Healy: . . . I have a related question on how smaller 
	units might be affected by conscientious objection. Could such objections 
	result in personnel not being available in smaller units to undertake the 
	provisions of the Bill?
	[P.
	
	51, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Dr. Mary McCaffrey: I represent the second smallest unit. Clonmel is a 
	little behind us. The questions asked by Deputies Ó Caoláin and Healy about 
	smaller units are quite similar. I think we need to step back and look at 
	the three indications which are outlined under this Bill. When we talk about 
	the risk of loss of life from a physical illness in a medical emergency, we 
	are looking at women who have severe infections, bleeding or severe 
	pre-eclampsia. As I said already, sadly we deal with this every year in all 
	of the small maternity units throughout the country. We deal with it 
	appropriately and in a manner that is clinically appropriate.
	. . . Conscientious objection would never come into play when someone's 
	life is in danger there and then. That has always been our practice at the 
	time the woman is dealt with. Nothing will change in that regard. Obviously, 
	we would expect every doctor to look after an acute medical situation. In a 
	less acute situation, we would expect doctors to meet their requirements 
	under the Medical Council guidelines. If they are not going to look after a 
	patient, we would expect them to ensure someone else looks after that 
	patient in a timely manner. I would be disappointed to hear there is any 
	unit where a person would suffer due to a conscientious objection of all the 
	staff. I do not think such a unit exists. We will always look after the life 
	of a mother and the life of a baby. . .
	[P.
	
	51, accessed 2013-05-27] 
	Dr. John Monaghan:  The Deputy also asked about the overburdening of the 
	maternity services. Our unit at Portiuncula Hospital delivers approximately 
	2,200 mothers a year. We might encounter one or two cases of serious 
	maternal illness where the pregnancy has to be ended. I think the figure 
	given for the Dublin hospitals was 30 a year. Such cases do not overburden 
	the maternity service. If a patient has a very serious fulminating 
	pre-eclampsia, for example, she might need to be transferred to a tertiary 
	unit in Galway or Dublin. There may be problems with the transfer if there 
	is overcrowding in the tertiary centre. I do not envisage that this 
	legislation will overburden maternity services significantly unless there is 
	an explosion in the number of terminations of pregnancy under psychiatric or 
	self-destruction grounds. . . .
	[P.
	
	51, accessed 2013-05-27]
	
	. . . The Deputy also asked about conscientious objection. As Dr. 
	McCaffrey said, if one is prepared to allow a mother to die, one is guilty 
	of very serious professional negligence. There has been no maternal death in 
	my hospital, or death of a woman who was transferred out of the hospital, 
	for 29 years. I am sure that is the norm throughout the country. It is not 
	true that the conscientious refusal by obstetricians to offer necessary 
	treatment which might involve termination of pregnancy is leading to 
	maternal deaths. I am sure it has been pointed out already that this 
	country's maternal mortality rate has always been significantly lower than 
	the rate in the UK, regardless of the figures one uses. Similarly, the 
	maternal mortality rate in Northern Ireland, where the UK Abortion Act does 
	not apply, is lower than the rate in the rest of the UK. I do not think 
	conscientious objection could be considered to endanger women's lives in any 
	way. We do not know where conscientious objection would arise in psychiatric 
	cases. I do not know how an obstetrician would deal with an emergency 
	precipitated by suicide. I cannot imagine that scenario. 
	[P.
	
	51, accessed 2013-05-27]
	
	Dr. Gerard Burke: This has never happened in 
	my career and I do not expect that it will. The numbers are so small, most 
	of us will never see this in an entire career.
	The idea that you would have a patient arriving into your office with two 
	abortion tickets from random psychiatrists is nonsense. That is not the way 
	that medicine works. We would have a working relationship with the 
	psychiatrist. If you did not know the psychiatrist and did not trust them 
	you certainly would not be doing anything near terminating a pregnancy. The 
	institute has made a suggestion in this regard, there would be a second 
	obstetrician involved and I would support that. I can tell you, there are 
	very few of us in the country - 125 consultant obstetricians - and we are 
	not beholden to psychiatrists telling us what to do. We have to do this 
	procedure ourselves so we are going to be absolutely certain that it is 
	thoroughly justified, medically and ethically. That is the way medicine 
	operates. 
	. . . In regard to resources, we have very few obstetricians. When the 
	country was awash with imported money a few years ago not a red cent was 
	voted to improve the resources by this House. The Deputies were aware of the 
	issues because the numbers were well known but not a red cent was put into 
	maternity services. . .
	. . . A conscientious objection would not arise in my unit. There are 
	eight of us and I do not think there will be any difficulty about providing 
	opinions and care. . .  
	[P.53, 
	accessed 2013-05-27]
	Senator Jillian van Turnhout:  I fully respect conscientious objection and it is important. Do we need 
	to consider, when we are examining geographically appropriate locations, 
	whether we will have an adequate number of professionals employed who have 
	not declared a conscientious objection? 
	[P.53, 
	accessed 2013-05-27]
	Dr. John Monaghan:  A related issue which I have studied slightly myself is the problem with 
	recruitment into obstetrics and gynaecology in the United Kingdom for the 
	last 35 years. The matter is well written up in the reports of the Royal 
	College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists. Another study which was 
	published in the British Journal of Obstetrics and Gynaecology showed 
	that recruitment into obstetrics and gynaecology was highest in Northern 
	Ireland and lowest in places like Leeds and Oxford. Certainly, Dr. Jim 
	Clinch, who was one of the doctors who was keen to come today but could not, 
	is of the opinion that if an abortion culture becomes widespread, it 
	seriously affects recruitment into obstetrics and gynaecology. That would 
	have been my experience. I worked in the NHS for three and half years in 
	total. Certainly, in my time in the north of England, I used to speak to 
	medical students and ask them if they would consider a career in obstetrics 
	and gynaecology. During the two years I was in the north of England, no 
	student said he or she was interested in a career in obstetrics and 
	gynaecology. When asked the reasons, fear of being sued and a hard-working 
	rota were cited, but the single biggest factor was that students did not 
	like the abortion culture, not for particularly ethical reasons but because 
	it was distasteful to them. [P.54, 
	accessed 2013-05-27]
	
	Dr. Mary McCaffrey:  I am not sure what the right answer is to whether 
	people should declare conscientious objections in advance. It would be 
	disappointing if people were discriminated against and disadvantaged. The 
	situation will be extremely rare. 
	[P.
	
	55, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Deputy Denis Naughten: . . . There are normally three consultants in 
	smaller units. Do the witnesses fear that if the three consultants had a 
	conscientious objection to carrying out procedures and one was to retire, 
	there would be an agenda to ensure a new consultant does not have a 
	conscientious objection and would be recruited on that basis? 
	[P.
	
	55, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Senator Jim Walsh:  . . . Dr. Mary McCaffrey mentioned the conscientious 
	objection issue and, in particular, people opting out. That is a concern if 
	people of a particular disposition exclude themselves from the panels. As we 
	have seen in the media over many months, the medical profession have people 
	on both sides of this argument so the outcomes could be skewed as a 
	consequence. I wish to link that with the comments about the lack of 
	resources which have been made by all the groups appearing before the 
	committee. Resources often lead to shortcuts being taken. Therefore, while 
	it might start in a very thorough fashion, as happened in other 
	jurisdictions, that will change within a short space of time. 
	[P.
	
	56, accessed 2013-05-27]
	
	Senator Jim Walsh:  Finally, I have a question for Dr. Monaghan and, indeed, all the 
	witnesses. Has there been any case in their experience where they have been 
	so inhibited by current legislation that they were unable to deal with a 
	mother whose life was at serious and substantial risk? Previous speakers 
	were asked that question and only one case was cited, which was the recent 
	case in Galway. I understood the coroner said in that case that, in fact, it 
	was different issues rather than the legislation. Are any of the witnesses 
	familiar with that case to shed more light on it?
	[P.
	
	56, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Senator John Crown:  . . .  in 
	western countries maternal mortality is an extraordinarily rare event. In 
	Ireland in recent decades we have had entire years with no maternal 
	mortality. The occurrence of one maternal mortality is a disaster. If we 
	have to legislate to prevent one maternal mortality, we should do it. This 
	is not like cancer or heart disease mortality, where there are thousands of 
	deaths per year. This is different and we must treat it differently.
	In the previous hearings, I got to the crux of the matter by putting the 
	Dublin folks through a detailed interrogation. We worked out that, although 
	figures are not kept, there are approximately 30 abortions per annum in 
	Ireland within the legal parameters of our Constitution, that is, to 
	preserve the life of the mother. They reckoned there were six to eight in 
	each of the Dublin maternity hospitals and, with a little extrapolation, 
	that is what we reckoned to be the probable total. I have asked some of my 
	colleagues about this and my understanding is that the great majority of 
	these will be for cardiovascular complications, blood pressure emergencies, 
	renal failure emergencies, occasionally haemorrhage and sometimes cancer.
	Incidentally, in a long career of practising cancer medicine I have never 
	had to send anybody for an abortion to save their life. It is not typically 
	the way it happens. Many of my patients have made a decision to have an 
	abortion and I have supported them in their decision, but I have never said 
	to them that they need it to save their life.
	Of the 30 cases per annum, the great majority will fall into the 
	categories I outlined. My best guess, and I ask my colleagues to comment on 
	this, is that in the majority of those cases it is not a sudden, 
	out-of-the-blue event where a previously normal healthy pregnancy suddenly 
	deteriorates. There is usually a warning - the woman has had pre-eclampsia, 
	which is a blood pressure and kidney problem occurring in pregnancy, or it 
	is discovered that the placenta is dangerously misplaced or that there is 
	cancer-----
	My understanding is that in the great majority of cases there will be 
	warning, so the scenario of this type of occurrence occurring in one of the 
	smaller hospitals is very unlikely because the hospitals will generally 
	refer the patients to one of the larger, specialist units at an earlier 
	stage in their pregnancy where they will be cared for by the high risk 
	people. In those rare cases where it will occur in the smaller hospitals, it 
	will be category one or the emergency. It is the one where the patient is 
	either bleeding or dying of blood pressure, the doctor cannot consult, there 
	are no psychiatrists and the patient is not suicidal. The doctor sees a 
	woman whose life will drain from her body in the next few hours if they do 
	not end the pregnancy, something which is very rare. That is my 
	understanding of the only cases the witnesses will see. Is that the case? 
	Should anybody have a right to conscientious objection in that setting? If 
	they do, they should not be in that job. 
	[P.
	
	56, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Dr. John Monaghan:  Consider the question of having a right to conscience 
	in a smaller department or rural unit. As I said, there is no evidence that 
	conscientious objection has led to any maternal death. Senator Jim Walsh 
	asked about the case in Galway. Certainly, there was no mention of the word 
	"conscience" in the inquest report, which I read.
	[P.
	
	57, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Dr. Máire Milner:  On the question of where I can find clarity in the Bill, I am not a 
	lawyer. I have simply read the heads of the Bill. In several situations in 
	my career I had a worry at the back of my mind about a woman who was very 
	sick with sepsis, in circumstances very similar to those in the Galway case, 
	and I had hoped nature would deal with it. In fact, that is what happened, 
	very happily. Nineteen times out of 20, nature does deal with things, but, 
	unhappily, it does not always do so. For me, my patients and the staff on my 
	team, the Bill gives my practice more clarity. I note this from having 
	talked to my colleagues. 
	[P.
	
	57, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Dr. Máire Milner:  On the 
	conscience clause, I again refer to the comments of all of my colleagues. 
	First and foremost, we save the woman's life. We do not set out to terminate 
	a pregnancy, but one does what has to be done to save the woman's life. 
	There may be time to play with and one's conscience can come into that in 
	some way. It is as likely to be one's skills as one's conscience that will 
	come into play. As Dr. McCaffrey said earlier, if one does not feel one is 
	able to deal with something, if one has time to play with one can refer to 
	another colleague. The woman has a right to life, and that is the primary 
	right. I have dealt with most of the questions.
	Senator Jim Walsh:   Dr 
	Burke mentioned that conscientious people can opt out. If they opt out of 
	the panels, given that politicians and medical personnel can be broken down 
	onto one side or the other-----
	
	-----that 
	might skew the outcomes because of the particular opinions of individuals 
	involved. There is also the question of a lack of resources giving rise to a 
	short-circuiting of the system. In other countries, all procedures were 
	fully followed at the start, but within the space of 12 months people were 
	taking shortcuts and notes were being left at reception already signed. A 
	lack of resources generally gives rise to such developments. Do the 
	witnesses know, in regard to the Galway case, whether a lack of 
	resources-----
	
	Chairman:   We are not-----
	
	Senator Jim Walsh:   Dr. Boylan put on the record that in one instance 
	that he knew of-----
	
	Chairman:   Sorry, Senator-----
	
	Senator Jim Walsh:   Or the lack of 
	legislation-----
	
	Chairman:   I ask the Senator to take his seat. He 
	is straining again.
	
	Senator Jim Walsh:   Is that true or untrue?
	
	Chairman:   To be 
	fair, when Dr Boylan made that remark this afternoon I asked him not to 
	reference it.
	
	Dr. Mary McCaffrey: I 
	thank Senator Walsh. Ironically, I thought about conscientious objection 
	before I came to the committee today, and how the panels would be put 
	together. As I understand it, the personnel who will go onto the panels will 
	be nominated by the various institutes. Obviously, that will be the role of 
	the institute, and it would be nice if there was a balanced approach as to 
	who was on the panels. That would be important. 
	. . . I want to be quite clear about something which has not been said. 
	It is illegal for a doctor in this country to refer anyone to anywhere for 
	termination of pregnancy. It is almost unfair to ask us whether we have 
	referred patients because----- We have never referred women because it is illegal to 
	do so. 
	[P.
	
	58, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Dr. Mary McCaffrey:  In regard to the screening of job applicants, interview processes should 
	put the best candidates forward for the job. Providing for rare 
	circumstances is one aspect of the care we provide. What one would want is 
	to have people in these jobs who will ensure the safety and health of the 
	mother. I worked in the United Kingdom for a number of years and one is not 
	allowed at interview to ask questions such as those suggested. I recall only 
	one interview at which I was asked a question like that. I did not get the 
	job and I never knew whether it was because I said I would not do a 
	termination of pregnancy. We would have to be careful of discriminating 
	against people. 
	[P.
	
	59, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Deputy Bernard J. Durkan:  In regard to conscientious objection, to what extent is that principle 
	equally distributed between the right to life of the mother and the right to 
	life of the as-yet-unborn baby, bearing in mind that the Supreme Court has 
	made a particular decision in a rare situation?
	Will the witnesses indicate whether, in the event that a close relative 
	of anybody in this Chamber were to present in an emergency situation at a 
	maternity hospital, it is recognised that whatever treatment is required for 
	that woman and that baby will be given to them regardless of ethical or 
	conscientious objections? 
	[P.
	
	59, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Senator Rónán Mullen:  We have talked a great deal about the conscientious objections of those 
	who might not want to carry out or certify terminations. If there is a 
	subjective element to a psychiatric determination in this case do any of the 
	experts believe it might arise that a person who, as a matter of his or her 
	personal philosophy, is pro-choice, might take the precautionary approach 
	when a person presents, given that it would appear that he or she lacks an 
	objective basis on which to certify? Is it possible that a person with that 
	philosophical mind-set might be more likely to certify that the abortion is 
	necessary as a matter of precaution?
	[P.
	
	60, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Deputy Bernard J. Durkan:   The other question was about conscientious 
	objection, the equality of the unborn and the mother.
	[P.
	
	60, accessed 2013-05-27]
	
	Dr. John Monaghan: While the State recognises the equality of the mother 
	and the foetus I have never come across, or heard of, a situation in which a 
	doctor would have allowed a mother to die because he or she had a 
	conscientious objection to abortion. That would be an unconscionable action 
	for a doctor. In terms of the management because the child cannot survive 
	without the mother the doctor must act to save the mother's life and in 
	instances the baby loses its life as a consequence.
	[P.
	
	60, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Dr. Máire Milner: Correct. Somebody asked about a close relative and 
	whether it is recognised that appropriate treatment would be given 
	regardless of conscientious objections. I cannot speak for every colleague 
	in every situation. 
	[P.
	
	60, accessed 2013-05-27]
	Deputy Arthur Spring: One of the issues which is pertinent is conscientious objection. One has 
	quite a small psychiatric unit and quite a small maternity unit in a 
	regional hospital. If a psychiatric unit is not adequate to deal with a 
	patient presenting with suicidal ideation, does that mean the patient should 
	be referred to a hospital where there is a substantial psychiatric unit? How 
	would that impact on the ability of that person to be able to obtain the 
	services should she merit a termination due to the fact that suicidal 
	ideation is a reality? 
	Dr. John Monaghan:  Deputy Spring raised the question of conscientious objection between two 
	psychiatric units - in other words, if a person was suicidal, she would be 
	moved to another psychiatric hospital. Is that correct?
	[P.
	
	62, accessed 2013-05-27]
	
	Deputy Arthur Spring:   If there was not adequate provision in a regional 
	hospital, would the person be moved to a larger hospital?
	[P.
	
	62, accessed 2013-05-27]
	
	Dr. John Monaghan: I am sure that would depend on the condition of the 
	patient and so on. As far as I know, there is not a huge amount of transfer 
	between psychiatric units. If one develops a mental illness, one would often 
	stay in the same hospital. I do not think there is sort of specialist 
	centres like there would be for neurosurgery or something like that. I 
	thought the Deputy was referring to the question of conscientious objection 
	in one institution and whether the patient could go to another one, but that 
	was not what he was asking. I would not be able to answer that question. I 
	think it would be best asked of a psychiatrist. 
	[P.
	
	62, accessed 2013-05-27]